This would truly be an unexpected twist.
In the corridors of power in Budapest, Hungary, a political tug-of-war is taking place that threatens to once again upend the balance of power.
The new leadership of Fidesz is working on an ambitious and controversial plan with a single objective: to dismantle the institutional barriers blocking the path for Viktor Orbán's return to the country's leadership, even if this requires the complete abolition of the constitutional term limit. And this is precisely what the party leader, János Bóka, intends to pursue: altering the constitutional provision that forbids former and current prime ministers from serving more than two terms.
The constitutional barrier and the condition of a constitutional majority – "There is no reason for exclusion"
As János Bóka pointed out, to enable the revision of the relevant constitutional rules, Fidesz will need to secure a constitutional majority in the next parliamentary elections. "If a new constitutional majority is achieved, these rules can be amended, in the same way they were changed now, opening up new political prospects. I believe this will form a key element of our political program," emphasized the party leader. János Bóka expressed the view that Hungarian society has no reason to deprive Viktor Orbán of the opportunity to run for office again. "I do not believe that Hungarians have become less wise than in the past when choosing their leader. I see no substantive reason why he should be legally excluded from participating in electoral processes," concluded the Fidesz official.
The institutional "blockade" by the Tisza government
The political confrontation was ignited by the sweeping constitutional reform pushed forward by the new government of Péter Magyar. Having secured the required two-thirds majority in parliament, the Tisza party passed the 16th Amendment to the Constitution, which imposes a strict maximum limit of two terms (8 years) for the office of the Prime Minister. The critical detail locking developments in place is the retroactive application of the provision dating back to 1990. As Viktor Orbán has already completed 20 years at the helm of the country across five different terms, the new law automatically excludes him from any future claim to the premiership. Faced with this institutional deadlock, Fidesz immediately launched a counteroffensive, characterizing the regulation as a "custom-tailored clause" and the product of political persecution that violates fundamental democratic principles. Viktor Orbán himself maintains an aggressive narrative, publicly stating that "only the people decide" on the leadership of the nation. With this specific rhetoric, he is laying the groundwork so that, in the event of Fidesz's re-election, the abolition of the constitutional limit will be framed as a restoration of the popular will.
Alternative return scenarios
Should Fidesz fail to assemble the required two-thirds majority for the direct revision of the Constitution, the party's leadership is crafting alternative pathways. On the table is the "Putin-Medvedev model," namely the placement of a shadow prime minister while Orbán retains absolute control over the party apparatus and governmental decisions. At the same time, transferring expanded powers to the institution of the President of the Republic is being examined, allowing Orbán to return to the apex of power through an enhanced presidential role. The dispute is not limited merely to key figures, but extends to controlling the deeper levers of power. The new constitutional order aims at dismantling the special public interest asset management foundations (KEKVA) and the Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC). Through these bodies, the previous government had ensured the diversion of massive state assets, controlling universities and media outlets. The recovery of these resources by the current government constitutes the pivotal front, as Fidesz attempts to maintain its economic and ideological influence until the final battle for its leader's return.
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